Why 2003: The Data Behind One Story, and a Paper Trail of Federal Findings

2003 was the year I stopped being able to find work in my own field. That’s a personal claim, not a data point — so this report keeps the two separate. What BLS’s own numbers show: women’s labor force participation peaked in April 2000 and, as of August 2026, sits below where it was in 1990. The H-1B cap was tripled to 195,000 a year right as the dot-com bust hit U.S. tech workers, and GAO itself was flagging the tracking gap in a report published in September 2003. And from a $34 million DOJ settlement with Infosys in 2013 through a $3.2 million one with OpenAI in August 2026 — plus an ongoing federal jury finding against Cognizant and an active caste-discrimination case against Cisco — the paper trail of companies found to have preferred visa holders over Americans keeps growing.

https://guestworkervisas.com/the_year_it_got_hard_2003.php

The State Calls It Staff Aug. We Mapped It Against H-1B Filings.

Texas agencies buy the same IT-staffing program under dozens of different contract labels ITSAC, Staff Aug, FY26AUGR, Temporary Personnel Services which means a keyword search for ITSAC alone misses most of the market. We built a synonym-based match across every label, found 414 active statewide staffing-vendor relationships across 62 agencies, and cross-referenced all of them against federal H-1B sponsorship data.

122 vendors are also H-1B sponsors. Nine have H-1B sponsorship that is 100 percent concentrated in Texas. We independently verified two of their certified workers filed worksite addresses against public government-building directories they are state agency headquarters.

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$44 Million In Texas Contracts. Zero H-1B Filings.

Bansar Technologies own HUB Subcontracting Plan names 23 IT-staffing subcontractors and exactly how much of a Texas state contract each one gets. We ran all 23 against a decade of federal visa-sponsorship data. The HUB credit and the actual H-1B labor go to almost entirely different companies — and one HUB subcontractor with no visa footprint turns out to be running $44 million of its own, completely separate Texas state business.

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